Last week, I argued that if certain structural challenges, legacies of the past financial crisis and the consequences of fiscal and monetary government actions are not met head-on, fear will come and the worst of human nature will emerge in the form of rising inflationary expectations. One of the disputes over the coming year and years will be about whether the excesses resulting from the $1.5 trillion federal fiscal stimulus can be quickly removed and by how much. One may want to take some comfort in the following facts.
1) The US budgetary deficit as a proportion of GDP, in nominal terms, is 9.5%, significantly less than most other OECD countries. (Canada stands the lowest at 2.5%).
2) The US national debt to GDP, in nominal terms, is about 40%, importantly less than most other OECD countries. (Canada stands at 35%).
3) US bank debt management will be easier to navigate than in most OECD countries. To achieve international standards the US banks need to raise about 1% of GDP, nominal terms, in equity capital compared to 3.0% for OECD banks. (Canada is zero).
4) US government spending as a proportion of GDP is 20.5%, significantly less than all OECD countries. (Canada is 27.5% among the lowest, yet it has one of the widest social safety net).
Nevertheless, from the fiscal year 2002 to 2008 the US federal deficit averaged about $300 billion a year for 2.5% of GDP expressed in nominal terms. In the fiscal year 2009, the same deficit as a result of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act and the Troubled Asset Relief Program, surged to $1.5 billion or 11.5% of GDP. The CBO projects that the budget deficit should total $1.4 trillion in fiscal 2010 and $900 billion in fiscal 2011. Assuming that the FRB wants and will maintain its inflation target rate near 2.0%, the deficit will have to be financed with either higher taxes or by issuing debt to the public at large and foreign investors around the world.
This is why many pundits are worried that projected trend in deficit spending may become difficult to finance. They want policy makers to make immediate changes to the expansionary fiscal stance of the US government and have no credibility in the current market sentiment for they feared that stagflation risks are very serious. They take us back to the 1970’s when the elimination of the "Gold Standard", the burden of the "Vietnam War" and spending spree of the "Great Society" created high unemployment and inflation. Today, the reduced role of the "US Dollar Standard", the financial cost of "US Geopolitical Involvement in the Middle East" and the extraordinary amount of spending on the "Great Recession" could do the same.
They can’t see how the need for the treasury to raise $4.0 trillion a year to finance the projected deficit and replace expiring debt can last without elevating sovereign risk that could end-up in outright debt repudiation or debt restructuring or moratorium on interest payments or currency debasement that could bring about inflation, imposition of capital controls, special tariffs and breach of international contracts. At the moment sovereign credit spreads, default swap rates and differentials between expected and actual inflation rates do not suggest that investor goodwill is imminently at risk. Nevertheless, if the worst is to be avoided, the taming of the deficit will be the defining issue for both the political Right and Left in the upcoming mid-term November election.
While I recognize that liberalism has different meaning to different folks, the distinction becomes less under plutocracy. The Right believes that liberalism has to do with personal freedom and choice while the Left argues that personal freedom comes with decent health care and education. But, both believe in equal opportunities and justice. The emergence of plutocracy in the last decade, where only the smartest and the most cunning among the general population are main and real beneficiaries of globalization and technological advances, is uniting the moderates of both wings in the form of populism and patriotism. There is a growing awareness that Western governments have not worked for the good of the country or the population at large but far more for the special interests of the super powerful rich.
This political dynamic is very pronounced in the US and the impetus to do something about it is rising. The "Financial Times" reported last week that " the top 10% of US earners received nearly 50% of the growth in aggregate real wages and salaries while the top 1% received an astonishing 25%. Meanwhile, the bottom 50% received under 13%, just about half of what went to the top 1%".
Given that social mobility is declining, the increase in income inequality is upsetting to many and troubling both the Left and Right for they share the value of openness as a core political goal. It is not enough that huge income inequalities represent a perversion of democracy, but what we hear in many circles how easy our politicians succumb to plutocracy without consideration to the social cost that their citizens, rich and poor, have borne.
Both political wings will come up with presentations that we are at the cusp of an "Age of Austerity". A bipartisan commission is being set-up with the aim of reducing federal borrowings. Concrete actions and plans will be introduced to prevent the possibility of strikes and protestations on Main Street and avoid bond vigilantes to rule Wall street. It shall be done just to mute the mere anticipations of what huge and sustained deficit could do the financial and economic systems. There is just too much belief that the scale of the deficit problem could pose serious risks and, in turn, undermine the US geopolitical standing. History shows that only with a bipartisan commission can government financial needs be reduced for it is the only way for a divided house to agree through some sort of special process to meet a common goal.
You can be certain that various measures shall be taken with resolve and urgency to achieve a primary budget balance where government spending on current programs equals revenue by 2014. By then, the federal government would still be paying about $400 billion annually in interest on total debt. However, it would represent only 2.5% of nominal GDP. It is true that the US Treasury would still be paying interest on past debt, but both the US debt and interest would cease to rise as a share of the overall economy.
Pressure from all sides of the political spectrum combined with the mid-term election in November should facilitate and sharpen the debate over the hard decisions that must be taken. I do not want to say that it will be a bagatelle to rectify government finance, but it is much more the fear that people may lose faith that their government may not bring the deficit under control than the lack of being able to restore fiscal responsibility. The public will not take lightly the unprecedented size and speed of national debt accumulation. I have little doubt that social and political tolerance for the eventual pain of protracted fiscal restraint may have already been breached. There are numerous actions that can be taken:
1) The retirement age could be raised.
2) Automatic spending reductions could be introduced on certain budget targets that are not met.
3) A medley of middle-class tax breaks are set to expire at the end of 2010.
4) Appropriations could easily be decreased by some four to five percentage points.
5) Appropriations could be under an as-you-go budget rules.
6) The top marginal income tax rate could be increase to perhaps as high as 50%.
7) Spending trade-offs between old and new, poor and rich, social and corporate welfare, guns and butter could be routinely evaluated.
An array of new taxes on energy, banks, speculations could be introduced. Think of the fee
on banks to cover
losses in the troubled asset relief program bail-out fund.
9) What about having a Value Added Taxes. Every OECD country has one.
In order to get public finance on a firm footing it would be necessary to increase taxes and/or cut spending to the tune of 2.5% of nominal GDP. The Right will be eager to reduce spending, the Left to raise taxes on the super rich and the Moderates to increase interest rates to benefit saving accounts.
Hubert Marleau, Chief Investment Officer, Palos management Inc.